There is no better example of criminal activity against an oppressed people than the role the U.S. has been playing in the Congo, through her ties with Tshombe and the mercenaries. You can’t overlook the fact that Tshombe gets his money from the U.S. The money he uses to hire these mercenaries—these paid killers imported from South Africa—comes from the United States. The pilots that fly these planes have been trained by the U.S. The bombs themselves that are blowing apart the bodies of women and children come from the U.S. So I can only view the role of the United States in the Congo as a criminal role. And I think the seeds she is sowing in the Congo she will have to harvest. The chickens that she has turned loose over there have got to come home to roost.

"Everybody's wondering why I've been going back and forth to Africa. Well, first I went to Mecca to get closer to the orthodox religion of Islam. I wanted firsthand views of the African leaders -- their problems are inseparable from ours. The cords of bigotry and prejudice here can be cut with the same blade. We have to keep that blade sharp and share it with one another." Now he was sounding like the old Malcolm: "Strangely enough, listening to leaders like Nasser, Ben Bella, and Nkrumah awakened me to the dangers of racism. I realized racism isn't just a Black and white problem. It's brought bloodbaths to about every nation on earth at one time or another."

By Malcolm X and Al-Muslimoon Staff (from the Malcolm X Museum)

Note: This set of responses to written questions from the Arabic-language monthly Al-Muslimoon, published by the Islamic Center in Geneva, Switzerland, is the last record of Malcolm's thinking. He wrote most of the responses the night of the fire-bombing of his home and wrote the last two as he sat in a Manhattan hotel the night before his death.

AL-MUSLIMOON: The Black Muslim Movement is one of the most controversial movements in the United States. Having been for a considerable period [of time] its main organizer and most prominent spokesman, could you kindly give us some concise firsthand picture of the background of this movement, its history, its main ethics and its actual strength?

By Leah Johnson

When I left the States I was angry.  Openly angry.  I was angry about the past, present, and future that America represents.  I was angry about the wicked façade and double standard that America labors to maintain.  The first time that I really came to understand the efficacy of this notion was after the first few months in West Africa.  It became astonishing clear that just as in all of her previous days, America has continued to perpetuate a war of words and images which are used to assault the common sense of all suspecting and non-suspecting individuals.  The world outside the States is many times given the impression that America’s race relations have dramatically improved with the evidence being that there are many “minorities” in public, prominent positions.  Now that America has supposedly “grown up”, she seems to feel that she is morally qualified to lead the rest of the world into a new era.

An interview with Professor Nkiru Nzegwu. The article was first published in Thisday on August 1999.

In the U.S. there is hardly any such thing called "Nigerian art." People talk about African art, and when they get specific they talk about "Yoruba art," "Mende art," "Akan art," and so on. The idea of African art that is predominant in the United States is traditional art. It is seen as the only true authentic art of Africa, all others are seen as adulterated. There is a psychological investment in portraying Africa, its art and culture as backward and still in the dark ages. The value of the portrayal is that it amplifies the advanced, technologically-developed nature of Western culture.

A memorial tribute to the late Julius Nyerere, one of Africa's few great statesmen. His relations with the Kenyan political elite deteriorated further and further. He found Attorney-General Charles Njonjo particularly distasteful and arrogant as a person and reckless in his attitudes towards Kenya's neighbours. Nyerere was fond of Mzee Kenyatta, but he thought Njonjo exercised disproportionate influence on the old man.

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