By Ali Mazrui 

When he was President of the United Republic of Tanzania, Julius Kambarage Nyerere's  vision was bigger than his victories; his perception was deeper than his performance. In  global terms, he was one of the giants of the 20th Century. Like all giants, he had both  great insights and great blind spots. While his vision did outpace his victories, and  his profundity outweigh his performance, he did bestride this narrow world like an  African colossus.

It is also one of the ironies of my life that Julius Nyerere and I first met neither in  his country (Tanzania) nor in mine (Kenya). I first met Mwalimu Nyerere at what was then  Makerere University College in Uganda. That was more than 30 years ago. He had done his  homework before coming to the campus. I was at the time regarded as one of the rising  stars of East Africa's academia. As soon as Nyerere and I were introduced in English, he  switched into Kiswahili and said "Tunasikia sifa tu!" ["We have only been hearing of  your praise!"]. He made my day!

Long before I became a professor at Makerere, Nyerere had himself been a student there.  He later went to the University of Edinburgh for his master's degree. Makerere and  Edinburgh prepared him for the title of Mwalimu (meaning "teacher") which he was to  carry for the rest of his life. Young Julius entered the gates of Edinburgh University  in October 1949.

Being both British-educated and having both been greatly influenced by Makerere were not  the only bonds which Julius Nyerere and I had. After our first encounter on the Makerere  campus, a complicated relationship developed.

As personalities, what did Julius Nyerere and I have in common? He was a politician who  was sometimes a scholar. I was a scholar who was sometimes a politician. Indeed,  President Obote once asked me in exasperation whether I knew the difference between  being a political scientist and being a politician. Some of my public pronouncements in  Uganda during Obote's first administration amounted to direct participation in the  politics of Uganda. Nyerere shared some of Obote's exasperation with my political  intrusion into matters of public policy.

Nyerere was particularly irritated when I published an article in the Journal of  Commonwealth Studies in London accusing him of having unintentionally destroyed  prospects for an East African Federation by his policies of socialism and economic  nationalism. My article was titled "Tanzania versus East Africa: A Case of Unwitting  Federal Sabotage". He conveyed his displeasure through the Principal of the University  College of Dar es Salaam, Professor Pratt.

Nyerere and I had other areas of shared concern. He translated into Kiswahili two of  Shakespeare's plays - Julius Caesar and the Merchant of Venice. He was making available  to Africa the genius of another civilisation. It was in the same period that I published  an article titled "Edmund Burke and Reflections on the Revolution in the Congo". Burke,  the Anglo-Irish philosopher of the 18th Century (1729-1797) had never written on the  Congo. What I had done in 1963 was to apply his ideas about the French Revolution of  1789 to the revolution in the Congo in 1960. In my own way, this was the equivalent of  translating Shakespeare into Kiswahili.

In another scholarly article, I also "Africanised" the French philosopher, Jean-Jacques  Rousseau (1712-1778) by applying his ideas to African affairs. Nyerere and I were trying  to build bridges between Africa and great minds of Western civilisation. While Nyerere  'Swahilised' Shakespeare, I Africanised Burke and Rousseau.

With his concept of Ujamaa, Nyerere also attempted to build bridges between indigenous  African thought and modern political ideas. Ujamaa, which means "familyhood", was turned  by Nyerere into a foundation for African Socialism. Ujamaa became the organising  principle of the entire economic experiment in Tanzania from the Arusha Declaration of  1967 to the mid-1980s.

His relations with the Kenyan political elite deteriorated further and further. He found  Attorney-General Charles Njonjo particularly distasteful and arrogant as a person and  reckless in his attitudes towards Kenya's neighbours. Nyerere was fond of Mzee Kenyatta,  but he thought Njonjo exercised disproportionate influence on the old man. Nyerere was  not sure whether to be amused or outraged when Njonjo turned any discussion on  Kenyatta's mortality into something close to a capital offence!

Nyerere was against turning rulers into gods - "Like the old Pharaohs of ancient Egypt."  Making Kenyatta immortal was like turning him into a god.

Nyerere and I remembered the proposal which was made in 1964 to celebrate annually the  day of Kenyatta's arrest by the British as "the Last Supper". There was such a strong  negative reaction from Christian churches in Kenya against using the concept of "the  Last Supper" in this way that the idea was dropped.

My own strongest disagreements with Nyerere concerned Zanzibar and Nigeria. Did  Tanganyika unite with Zanzibar to form Tanzania under pressure from President Lyndon  Johnson of the United States and Prime Minister Sir Alec Douglas Home of Britain who did  not want Zanzibar to become another communist Cuba? Nyerere bristled when it was  suggested that the union with Zanzibar was part of the Cold War and not a case of Pan- Africanism.

Nyerere's recognition of Biafra in the middle of the Nigerian civil war was another hot  subject. I personally did not share the suspicion that Nyerere recognised Biafra because  the Igbo were fellow Roman Catholics claiming to be threatened by Muslim Northerners in  Nigeria. But I did believe in one Nigeria and therefore disagreed with Nyerere's  policies. Nyerere also bristled if it was suggested that he was ungrateful to Nigeria  which had helped him with his own army in1964, and wanted to create a new force.

Nyerere's involvement with Uganda was more direct. In 1971, did Julius Nyerere convince  Milton Obote to leave Uganda and go to Singapore to attend the Commonwealth conference  of Heads of State and government? Milton Obote had hesitated about going to Singapore  because of the uncertain situation in Uganda. Did Nyerere tilt the balance and convince  Obote that he was needed in Singapore to fight Prime Minister Edward Heath's policy  towards apartheid South Africa? Obote's decision to go to Singapore was disastrous for  himself and for Uganda. In Obote's absence, Idi Amin staged a military coup and  overthrew Obote. Eight years of tyranny and terror in Uganda had begun.

I never succeeded in getting either Nyerere or Obote to confirm that it was Nyerere who  convinced Obote to leave for Singapore. But we do know that Nyerere was so upset by the  coup that he gave Obote unconditional and comfortable asylum in Tanzania. Nyerere also  refused to talk to Idi Amin even if the policy practically destroyed the East African  Authority which was supposed to oversee the East African Community. Was Nyerere feeling  guilty for having made it easy for Amin to stage a coup by diverting Obote to Singapore?

I shall always remember Nyerere's speech in Tanzania upon his return from Singapore. I  was in Kampala listening to him on the radio. Nyerere turned a simple question in  Kiswahili into a passionate denunciation of Idi Amin. Nyerere's repeated question was  "Serikali ni kitu gani?" ("What is government?"). This simple question of Political  Science became the refrain of denouncing usurpation of power through a military coup. It  was a powerful speech to his own people and against the new "pretenders" in Kampala.

I visited Milton Obote at his home in Dar es Salaam during his first exile. Obote and I  discussed Idi Amin much more often than we discussed Julius Nyerere.

One of the major ironies of my life is that I was introduced to my own founder president  of Kenya, Mzee Kenyatta, by President Obote before Amin's coup.

We were all at a major ceremony of the University of East Africa in Nairobi in the  1960s. I knew Obote far better than I knew Kenyatta. Obote took me to Kenyatta to  introduce me!

In 1979, Nyerere paid his debt to Milton Obote. His army marched all the way to Kampala  and overthrew the regime of Idi Amin. My former Makerere boss, Prof Yusufu Lule,  succeeded Idi Amin as President of Uganda. But Nyerere was so keen on seeing Obote back  in power that Nyerere helped to oust Lule. Was Nyerere trying to negate the guilt of  having encouraged Obote to go to Singapore for the Commonwealth Conference way back in  1971? Was that why Nyerere was so keen to see Obote back in the presidential saddle of  Uganda in the1980s?

Unfortunately, Obote's second administration was catastrophic for Uganda. He lost  control of his own army, and thousands of people perished under tyranny and war. Was  Julius Nyerere partly to blame?

"The two top Swahili-speaking intellectuals of the second half of the 20th Century are  Julius Nyerere and Ali Mazrui". That is how I was introduced to an Africanist audience  in 1986 when I was on a lecture-tour of the United States to promote my television  series: The Africans: A Triple Heritage (BBC-PBS.) I regarded the tribute as one of the  best compliments I had ever been paid. In reality, Mwalimu Nyerere was much more  eloquent as a Swahili orator than I although Kiswahili was my mother tongue and not his.

In the month of Nyerere's death (October 1999), the comparison between the Mwalimu and I  took a sadder form. A number of organisations in South Africa had united to celebrate  Africa's Human Rights Day on October 22. Long before he was admitted to hospital, they  had invited him to be their high-profile banquet speaker.

When Nyerere was incapacitated with illness, and seemed to be terminally ill, the South  Africans turned to Ali Mazrui as his replacement. I was again flattered to have been  regarded as Nyerere's replacement. However, the notice was too short, and I was not able  to accept the South African invitation.

It is one of the ironies of my life that I have known the early Presidents of Uganda and  Tanzania far better than I have known the Presidents of Kenya. Over the years, Julius  Nyerere and I met many times. Milton Obote was one of the formative influences of my  early life, inspite of our tumultuous relationship.

Ngugi wa Thiong'o (the novelist) and I were marginalised by the Kenyatta regime in spite  of the fact that Ngugi and I wanted to become Kenyatta's literary biographers. When  Daniel arap Moi was still Vice-President, I was considered a possible speech-writer for  him in order to strengthen his credentials for the Presidency. I never played that role.  Since he became President, the Moi regime and I have had an ambivalent relationship. I  have never been formally introduced to him as President.

With Julius Nyerere and I, it was a bond of genuine ups and downs. Nyerere was once  angry with me because I had written a citation for an honorary doctorate which was too  long. The honorary doctorate was for an elderly American academic, and Nyerere was  awarding the degree as Chancellor of the University of East Africa (which at that time  consisted of the campuses of Makerere, Nairobi and Dar es Salaam).

As University Orator, I had written the citation, and was reading it as the elderly  gentleman knelt before Nyerere. My oration was indeed too long. Nyerere did not speak to  me that evening after the ceremony. He deliberately snubbed me. He had been disturbed  that the elderly recipient of the honorary degree had to kneel for so long while I  delivered the oration praising him. I had not struck the right balance. I felt truly  chastised by the Mwalimu.

Let me also refer to Walter Rodney. He was a Guyanese scholar who taught at the  University of Dar es Salaam and became one of the most eloquent voices of the left on  the campus in Tanzania. When Walter Rodney returned to Guyana, he was assassinated.

Chedi Jagan, on being elected President of Guyana, created a special chair in honour of  Walter Rodney. Eventually I was offered the chair and became its first incumbent. My  inaugural lecture was on the following topic: "Comparative Leadership: Walter Rodney, Julius K. Nyerere and Martin Luther King Jr."

After delivering the lecture, I subsequently met Nyerere one evening in Pennsylvania,  USA. I gave him my Walter Rodney lecture. He read it overnight and commented on it the  next morning at breakfast. He promised to send me a proper critique of my Rodney lecture  on his return to Dar es Salaam. He never lived long enough to send me the critique.

Nyerere's policies of Ujamaa amounted to a case of Heroic Failure. They were heroic  because Tanzania was one of the few African countries which attempted to find its own  route to development instead of borrowing the ideologies of the West. But it was a  failure because the economic experiment did not deliver the goods of development.

On the other hand, Nyerere's policies of nation-building amount to a case of Unsung  Heroism. With wise and strong leadership, and with brilliant policies of cultural  integration, he took one of the poorest countries in the world and made it a proud  leader in African affairs and an active member of the global community.

Julius Nyerere was my Mwalimu too. It was a privilege to learn so much from so great a man.